You have been holding it together for a long time. Maybe it started after a loss, or a deployment, or a year that broke something inside you that you did not know could break. Maybe it was always there and you learned to manage it. You take the medication. You see the therapist when you can afford to. You show up to work, do the job, and keep the rest of it private because that is what the world taught you to do.

Then something shifts. A bad week turns into a bad month. The panic attacks come back. Sleep stops working. You ask your doctor for an adjustment to your treatment, and she suggests something you have never considered — telling your employer that you have a disability and asking for an accommodation.

You stop right there. Disability is for someone in a wheelchair. Disability is for someone who cannot work. You can work. You have been working. You just need a little flexibility while you get through this stretch.

That instinct — the instinct that says your mental health condition is not a disability — is one of the most common misunderstandings in employment law. It is also one that Congress had to legislate against, because for years, the federal courts said the same thing.

The Promise That Wasn’t

The Americans with Disabilities Act became law in 1990. On paper, it promised people with disabilities the right to work, to be accommodated, and to be free from discrimination on the job. For people with mental health conditions, that promise was a long time coming.

Through the 1990s, lower federal courts split on whether the protection covered workers whose conditions were managed with medication or treatment. In 1999, the Supreme Court resolved the split — the wrong way. In Sutton v. United Air Lines, decided that June, the Court held that whether a person was “disabled” under the ADA had to be evaluated after taking into account medication, treatment, eyeglasses, prosthetics, and other measures the person used to manage their condition. Three years later, in Toyota Motor Manufacturing v. Williams, the Court tightened the definition further, holding that the impairment had to prevent or severely restrict activities of “central importance to most people’s daily lives.”

The reasoning sounded fair on its face. If your medication works, you are not really disabled, are you? If you can still get yourself to work and back, your impairment is not severely restricting your daily life, is it?

The result on the ground was something else. An employee with severe depression who took medication that allowed her to function at work was told she was not disabled under the ADA — because the medication worked. An employee with epilepsy whose seizures were controlled by treatment was told the same thing. An employee with PTSD who used coping strategies and therapy to hold a job was told he had managed his way out of the statute’s protection. Plaintiffs with cancer in remission, with diabetes, with bipolar disorder — case after case dismissed because the treatment was working.

The people Congress had intended to protect were losing. Not because their conditions were not real, but because they had done the responsible thing and treated them.

Congress Rewrites the Law

In 2008, Congress responded with the ADA Amendments Act. It was an unusual piece of legislation. Most amendments tinker. This one rebuked.

Congress wrote into the statute itself that the courts had read the law too narrowly. It said the definition of disability was supposed to be construed in favor of broad coverage. And it directed that whether someone is disabled is to be determined without regard to the ameliorative effects of medication, treatment, prosthetics, hearing aids, or any other corrective measure — with one narrow exception for ordinary eyeglasses and contact lenses.

That last directive is the one that matters most for people with mental health conditions. Under the law as it has stood since the amendments took effect in 2009, the question is not whether your medication is working. The question is what your condition would look like without it. And for most serious mental health conditions, the answer to that question is plain enough.

The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which enforces the statute, has been clear ever since that mental health conditions are covered when they meet the definition, and that many common ones will. Major depressive disorder. Generalized anxiety disorder. Post-traumatic stress disorder. Bipolar disorder. Obsessive-compulsive disorder. Schizophrenia. Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. These are not exotic conditions. They affect tens of millions of Americans. Under the ADA as Congress rewrote it, they can qualify as disabilities — even when they are being managed, even when the employee is performing the job, even when no one at work has noticed.

What That Means Now

Two things, in plain terms.

The first is that the ADA gives qualified employees with disabilities the right to a reasonable accommodation. For mental health conditions, accommodations rarely look like equipment or construction. They look like adjustments. A modified start time for an employee whose medication requires a slower morning. Permission to attend a weekly therapy appointment without using vacation time. A quieter workspace for an employee with anxiety triggered by sensory overload. Time off to stabilize after a crisis, with the job waiting at the end of it. The employer is not required to grant the specific request, but it is required to engage in a back-and-forth conversation — what the law calls the interactive process — to find something that works.

The second is that the ADA prohibits discrimination based on disability, including mental health conditions. An employer cannot fire, demote, or refuse to promote an employee because of a covered condition. An employer cannot punish an employee for asking for an accommodation. An employer cannot refuse to hire an applicant because she discloses a history of depression, or because a background check turns up a hospitalization. The protections that apply in race, sex, and age cases apply here too. The framework I wrote about in February — McDonnell Douglas burden-shifting — is the same framework courts use to evaluate disability discrimination claims based on circumstantial evidence.

The Cost of the Misconception

Most of the people who would benefit from the ADA’s protections never know they exist. They think disability means something it does not. They think medication that works disqualifies them from the protection. They think asking for help will mark them as fragile, or unreliable, or “not leadership material,” and they keep their condition to themselves until something breaks.

Some of them lose their jobs in ways that the law would have addressed if they had known to ask. Some of them quit jobs they could have kept with a reasonable accommodation. Some of them never apply for the next promotion because they cannot picture themselves disclosing what would have to be disclosed.

Somewhere along the way, you started to wonder if you were the problem.

You are not.

The condition is not the problem. The silence around it is. And every day the silence holds, your story belongs a little more to someone else — your supervisor, your HR file, the version your employer is already writing without you in the room.

Come and schedule a consultation with me or one of my colleagues in Houston, Dallas, or Austin. Before someone else finishes telling your story for you.

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Photo of Jermaine Brown Jermaine Brown

We asked Jermaine Brown, a Trial Attorney in the Houston office of Wiley Wheeler, P.C., to provide his sincere answers to a range of questions.  After reading, you will be more more abreast with the understanding and competency that Mr. Brown brings.

We asked Jermaine Brown, a Trial Attorney in the Houston office of Wiley Wheeler, P.C., to provide his sincere answers to a range of questions.  After reading, you will be more more abreast with the understanding and competency that Mr. Brown brings.

1. Why did you start practicing labor and employment law? 

Employment is the foundation of social mobility. It is how people build lives, support families, and claim their place in our society. When an institution denies someone that opportunity or punishes them for asserting their rights, it strikes at their dignity. I practice employment law because my clients’ dignity at work matters.

2. Who is your favorite Supreme Court Justice?

John Marshall Harlan, the Great Dissenter, who stood alone in Plessy v. Ferguson and declared that the Constitution neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens.

3. What do you think is the most important part of a good case? 

The client. Facts matter, evidence matters, but a good case starts with a client ready to assert their voice. When someone trusts you with their story, that’s the foundation on which everything else is built.

4. If you could write a new law, what would it do?

The Workplace Sunlight Act. Justice Louis Brandeis was right: “Sunlight is the best disinfectant.” The government already tracks which employers face discrimination charges, safety complaints, and labor violations—but keeps that information in the dark. This law would require federal and state agencies to publish information about certain employers. It would also require employers to disclose what the government does not see. Investors get disclosures before risking their money.

Workers deserve the same before risking their livelihoods. What grows in darkness cannot survive the light; only sunlight disinfects.

5. Besides Rob Wiley, P.C., what is the most interesting job that you have had?

College wrestling assistant coach. I worked with young athletes and learned that the real teaching happens off the mat. Wrestling teaches you how to get back up when someone takes you down. Life demands the same. 

6. How do you market yourself differently than others?

Every case has a story. Often, that story has been minimized, rewritten, or ignored entirely. Clients come in carrying a heavy burden—an experience that shaped them, that cost them, that no one took seriously. They have been talked over, written off, or quietly pushed out. Somewhere along the way, they started to wonder if they were the problem. They are not. The client lived it. They know what happened. Their story matters. It deserves to be acknowledged, protected, and championed. It deserves to be heard. I am here to listen. To protect. To advocate.

 7. What do you do when you’re not practicing law?

Serving my community. Reading fiction and nonfiction books. Laughing with those who are dear to me.

8. How would you describe the color yellow to someone who could not see?

9. Yellow is the feeling of the sun rays landing on your face after days of gray. It does not ask permission. It just arrives. It is the warmth of someone sitting beside you in silence, asking for nothing, offering everything.

10. What’s your favorite legal TV show?

Pro Bono, a Korean legal drama.

  1. If you could argue any case in history, what would it be?

Two cases. In Board of Education v. Rowley, I would argue that signed language is not merely an auxiliary aid or tool—it is a distinct language deserving the same constitutional protection in education that the Supreme Court recognized in Meyer v. Nebraska and Pierce v. Society of Sisters. A child deserves an education in her language—not just access, but belonging. In Buck v. Bell, the Supreme Court allowed the state to decide who was worthy of existence. That idea did not stay in that courtroom. It crossed an ocean and became the blueprint for atrocities. I would argue what should have been argued then—that no government has the right to decide who belongs. Carrie Buck’s dignity was not the state’s to erase.